Certamente!

Paulo Querido. Na Internet desde 1989

3 de dezembro de 2007

Todo os dias há uma velha guarda a dizer que já não há velha guarda, é o que vale

Uma entrevista notável a um repórter controverso (e brilhante, embora não no sentido gratuito que a direita dá à palavra, como refere muito justamente o Daniel Oliveira).

Justin Elliot pergunta, Matt Taibbi (Rolling Stone) responde, em The Vigilante Journalist.

Respigo duas passagens ilustrativas:

Oh yeah, totally. He was busy. He was like, “Go fuck yourself.” Then when I actually went to go meet him he was the nicest guy you could possibly imagine. I sat with him for four hours. He’s old school. He’s the kind of guy who sits and pores over the newsletters of all these minor government agencies to see who retired that week so he can approach that person to see if he’s got any stories to tell on his way out of service. There are a few guys like that who are still out there, but they’re all holdovers from a lost age. I’d like to say that I’m the continuation of that crop of journalists, but I’m totally not.

É curioso: Marcos Palácios, do Jornalismo & Internet, onde primeiro vi o link para a entrevista, destaca uma passagem totalmente diferente. A preocupação dele é se vale a pena ir à escola de jornalismo.

A passagem sobre os novatos que cobrem eleições também é boa, oh yeah.

It’s not that I’m taking issue with anything that the American left stands for or how it behaves. It’s really a class issue more than anything else. The people who are the public face of the American left tend to be people like me. They’re upper class, liberal arts-educated white people, for the most part, who come from a certain background where the things that are important

to them are these mostly intellectual issues—like the environment, or social issues like abortion, feminism, that sort of thing. The historical basis for the American left, if you go back to Roosevelt, is sort of a patrician structure where you had these upper-class people advocating on behalf of a wider working class base. What’s happened now is that it’s kind of splintered and the upper-class portion is overemphasizing the things that are important to them and deemphasizing the things that are important to their base. That’s why the party orthodoxies right now aren’t things like free trade and credit policy, for instance—like the bankruptcy bill. You would never find a celebrated lefty politician who is pro-life but voted against NAFTA, for instance. It’s always the other way around. What’s happened because of that—because the orthodoxies are all backwards—is that the American left has alienated its natural constituency, which is this vast, middle-to-working class underclass that has been fucked over by modern global capitalism.

Em Portugal isto também se está a passar, progressivamente. Os valores e idiossincrasias da esquerda intelectual estão a passar para o espaço mediático como sendo As Causas da esquerda — esquecendo-se no processo os problemas das bases dessas mesma esquerda, que vão dos salários ao sobre-endividamento à escravatura moderna sem alternativa que deriva da sobrevalorização do capital na sociedade e na política, num evidente desiquilíbrio do qual mais tarde ou mais cedo pagaremos a factura.

Em última análise, isto abre caminho a manipulações perigosas.

Em primeira análise, volto a repetir: a luta de classes está cá, por muito que se esforcem por a varrer para debaixo do lustroso tapete mediático.